This is Part II of an extraordinary article about a new phenomenon, the megacity, that has closer ties to other world cities than to the smaller cities that surround it. Consequently, it quickly surpasses them in skills and profits.
New York City
By EMILY BADGER Dec. 24, 2017 for The New York Times
The Rise of Global Cities
For much of the 20th century, wages in poorer parts of the country were rising faster than wages in richer places. Their differences were narrowing, a product of migration between the two and gains from manufacturing that helped lift up regions that were once deeply poor. Then around 1980, according to work by the Princeton researcher Elisa Giannone, that convergence began to stall. Cities full of highly educated workers like Boston, San Francisco and New York began to pull away. And that pattern, Ms. Giannone finds, has been driven entirely by what’s happening with high-skilled workers: When they cluster together in these places, their wages rise even more. That widens inequality both within wealthy cities and between wealthy regions and poorer ones.
“Big changes have been happening over the last 30 years,” Ms. Giannone said. “Now we’re actually seeing the impact of them.”
Those changes have come from multiple directions — from globalization, from computerization, from the shift in the United States away from manufacturing toward a knowledge and service economy. These trends have buffeted many smaller cities and nonurban areas. The uncomfortable political truth is that they’ve also benefited places like San Francisco and New York.
“The economic base has shifted in a way that highly favors cities — and big cities — because it’s now based on knowledge, on idea exchange, on agglomeration,” said Mark Muro, the policy director of the Metropolitan Policy Program at the Brookings Institution.
Programmers benefit from having more programmers nearby, in ways different than when assembly line workers gather together. The forces of agglomeration, which big cities enable, are strongest in the kind of knowledge work that has become central to the economy.
For all of the talk of how globalization has cost America manufacturing jobs, it has created American jobs, too — but the high-paying ones have tended to go to such cities.
Ms. Sassen argues that a global economy has created new kinds of needs for companies: accountants specializing in Asian tax law, lawyers expert in European Union regulation, marketers who understand Latin America. Global cities must connect to other global cities to tap these resources, which have become more valuable to them than lumber and steel.
Inventors in these global cities are also increasingly connecting to one another. Using the addresses of patent co-inventors, Mr. Mudambi [Ram Mudambi, a professor in the Fox School of Business at Temple University] has traced a steep rise starting in the early 1990s of global connections from a few American metro areas, which are today among the most prosperous in the country.
Many American companies still create physical things, in addition to inventing digital products and ideas. But globalization has changed who benefits from their business, too, enabling firms to separate intellectual work from routine work and scatter those roles across the globe. The knowledge work has tended to stay in the United States. The routine work is what was historically performed in the hinterland. And that in large part is the work that has gone overseas.
“The hinterland for Silicon Valley is Shenzhen,” said Timothy Sturgeon, a senior researcher at the M.I.T. Industrial Performance Center.
Emily Badger writes about cities and urban policy for The Upshot from the San Francisco bureau. [The Upshot provides news, analysis and graphics about politics, policy and everyday life for the NY Times.] She’s particularly interested in housing, transportation and inequality — and how they’re all connected. She joined the Times in 2016 from The Washington Post. @emilymbadger
To be continued